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NOLACatholic Parenting Podcast
A natural progression of our weekly column in the Clarion Herald and blog
By Mark Lombard
Clarion Herald
"Ever-more horrendous acts of cruelty done against innocent civilians, unarmed women and children, whose innocent blood cries out to heaven and implores, ‘End this war. Silence the weapons. Stop sowing death and destruction.’”
While the Vatican has for decades sought to avoid taking sides in any international dispute, calling out the sin and not the sinner, avoiding casting the first stone of blame toward any world leader, Pope Francis, with these words at the first April general audience, leading pilgrims in a silent prayer for Ukraine and with the holding aloft and kissing a Ukrainian flag “from that tormented city of Bucha,” made it clear where he believes the global community’s sympathies should lie.
As well, the day after the Feb. 24 invasion of Ukraine, the Holy Father broke protocol and went directly to the Russian Embassy in the Holy See to appeal for peace. In the weeks following, he spoke to Ukraine President Volodymyr Zelensky offering spiritual support and suggested visiting the Ukrainian capital, Kyiv, was very much “on the table.”
While proclaiming “In the name of God, I ask you: Stop this massacre,” he stopped short of naming the “you,” of calling out Russian President Vladimir Putin or even his spiritual supporter, Russian Orthodox Patriarch Kirill. But he did point an implicit, direct finger at and blamed a “potentate, sadly caught up in anachronistic claims of nationalist interests” for casting “dark shadows of war.”
And even during his April 17 “Urbi et Orbi” (to the city and the world) address, Francis decried having to live through another “Easter of war,” implicitly criticizing Russia for dragging its sovereign neighbor into a “cruel and senseless” conflict.
It is not the first time a Roman pontiff has inserted himself between the territorial ambitions of an empire-building, country-destroying tyrant from the east descending on Europe. In the 13th century, Pope Innocent IV sent a letter to the newly installed Mongol Grand Khan Guyuk, grandson of Genghis Khan, after attacks against Russia (including Kiev), Poland, Hungary, Bulgaria, Croatia, Austria and parts of present-day Germany. His appeal to refrain from attacks of Christian Europe and other nations and for the Khan to consider conversion to Christianity was received and then returned with an outraged demand for papal submission to “render us service and pay us homage.”
No submission occurred, but diplomacy continued.
In the shadow of the Second World War, Stalin was allegedly urged to respond significantly to Pope Pius XII’s concerns about protecting the practice of Catholicism in Russia and in Eastern Europe and allowing the pontiff a voice in forthcoming post-
war negotiations. The Soviet premier – with versions of this story including being so informed by Winston Churchill, Franklin Roosevelt, Harry Truman and French Prime Minister Pierre Laval – responded, “How many divisions has the pope?”
The implication was clear: The only language authoritarianism understands and the only currency worth trading is the raw exercise of power, the armed aggression against countries and the forced occupation of peoples.
And, yet, Stalin’s realpolitik quip, which he is said to have used on numerous occasions when the Holy Father’s influence was raised to switch focus to the ruthlessly practical might over the ethical, moral right, fails to consider the power of the Chair of Peter.
While ruling the smallest independent country in the world – Vatican City – and while, with due respect to the papal Swiss Guards, having no army, the papacy has always drawn its authority not at the point of a gun but on giving voice to a message of peace and justice through diplomacy, on giving voice to the voiceless, taking the long view, longer than the lifespan of any regime or dictator, no matter how bent on conquest, especially with the eons-long threat Europe has felt from the east.
Then what of the divisions the Holy Father has here on earth of faithful Christians and non-Christians moved by more than threats of intimidation? What is it or is there really anything any of us can do in the face of such unmasked aggression from thousands of miles away? Or do we, as some commentators suggest, need to simply stay out of Putin’s way to prevent WWIII?
As the Ukrainian people have demonstrated the flaccidity of Russian aggression when a world, often divided and fractured, is committed to standing up, we owe ourselves, our families – actual and spiritual – and our communities more than choosing to sit quietly on the sidelines, including: